Extortion and Exploitation of International Organizations: The WHO as a Model
By Hamdan Al-Aleyi
Years ago, the Houthis repeatedly summoned numerous employees from the World Health Organization (WHO) and the World Food Programme (WFP) in an attempt to blackmail these organizations and force them into complying with various demands.
At that time, the Houthis—through the Ministry of Health, which they control—appointed an official to oversee the incoming supplies in WHO warehouses to facilitate the looting of medicines and medical equipment.
Taking the WHO office in Yemen as an example, the report highlights how Houthi control over this vital organization became even more disastrous after the group appointed Taha Al-Mutawakkil as Minister of Public Health and Population on May 12, 2018. Al-Mutawakkil is a key religious figure within the Houthi movement and serves as the preacher and imam of Al-Hashoush Mosque in the Al-Jiraf district, north of Sana’a.
Following Al-Mutawakkil’s appointment, Al Jazeera Net published an extensive report titled “The Health Sector in Sana’a… A Golden Goose for the Houthis”, addressing a critical question Yemenis had long asked: Why was this hardline ideologue, closely tied to the Houthi leadership, appointed to a non-revenue-generating, non-sovereign ministry? The report outlined several reasons, foremost among them the transformation of the Ministry of Health—previously classified as a “consumer ministry”—into a lucrative source of wealth for the Houthis. This shift was driven by the influx of substantial international aid directed at supporting Yemen’s war-damaged health sector.
Among the coercive measures imposed on the WHO office by the Houthi-controlled ministry were:
- Imposing Houthi-affiliated employees in the WHO office in Yemen as a condition for any operational facilitation. If refused, the organization faced harassment, including delays in obtaining permits and persecution of its staff.
- Promoting and advancing employees loyal to the Houthis within the WHO office.
- Forcing the organization to dismiss certain employees under the pretext that they were affiliated with the Ministry of Health.
- Requiring the WHO to furnish offices for senior officials in the ministry or certain departments.
- Dictating which local organizations and institutions WHO must collaborate with, whether for providing health services, medical supplies, or pharmaceuticals.
In most cases, WHO cannot directly provide services to Yemeni citizens; it must work through intermediaries—organizations, institutions, or commercial companies—many of which are Houthi-affiliated. Consequently, WHO cannot trace the ultimate fate of its assistance, whether in the form of funds, medicines, medical supplies, or fuel for hospitals and healthcare centers. The organization has no way of knowing whether the ambulances it supplies are being used to transport patients and the wounded—or Houthi fighters and leaders.
In March 2021, Yemeni activists raised serious concerns on social media regarding the fate of ambulances provided by WHO to the Houthi-controlled Ministry of Health. These concerns escalated when armed Houthi fighters were seen using the vehicles. In response, WHO’s country office in Yemen stated that “the organization does not own any ambulances in Yemen; rather, its role is limited to facilitating the importation of these vehicles for healthcare facilities as part of its continued support for the Yemeni health sector.” WHO further clarified that it is “not responsible for how these ambulances are used after they are handed over to the relevant authorities.”
What happened to WHO has also affected other international, UN, and humanitarian organizations—most notably UNICEF and the World Food Programme (WFP). For years, these organizations have struggled to verify the final destination of aid worth millions of dollars annually.
